Concerns Over Louisiana’s Coastal Lawsuits
Louisiana conservatives are facing a difficult situation as the state’s top law enforcement officials push what many view as a left-leaning climate agenda. Attorney General Liz Maril, who was elected with the intention of advancing President Trump’s policies, has emerged as a key player in a campaign blaming oil and gas companies for Gulf erosion.
In May, a local jury handed down a $745 million verdict against Chevron, a case in which the Attorney General’s office participated as a third-party plaintiff. Numerous similar lawsuits are currently in the works.
The land loss case in Louisiana is now on its way to the Supreme Court, and it bears similarities to climate-related lawsuits being filed in predominantly Democratic areas across the U.S. The main goal, critics argue, appears to be financial gain rather than genuine efforts to remedy coastal erosion. This skepticism has grown especially after the state recently decided to abandon its largest coastal restoration project to date.
This situation extends beyond merely seeking “justice”; many see it as a shake down. Trial lawyers with progressive agendas are targeting firms like Chevron for hefty fees, arguably aiming to weaken the oil and gas sector. They appear to be rewriting the narrative, blaming industries for historical issues that stem from governmental decisions made decades ago. Maril seems to be cooperating in this effort.
The reality of Louisiana’s coastal challenges lies less with corporate wrongdoing and more with historical events like the catastrophic 1927 Mississippi River flood. Following that disaster, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers constructed extensive flood control measures, effectively blocking the natural deposit of silt essential for maintaining the delta.
To put it into perspective, in the late 19th century, an impressive 750 million cubic feet of silt would flow into the bay annually. However, federal interventions have drastically reduced this sediment inflow. Without this vital silt, the coast’s decline would persist regardless of oil industry activities.
Previous studies and lawsuits involving Louisiana officials have actually identified federal policies—rather than companies like Chevron—as significant contributors to the land loss crisis. An executive order by President Roosevelt during World War II dramatically ramped up oil production in Louisiana, a move justified by wartime needs. This further shaped policies that continue to impact coastal management today.
Maril’s assertions have also included claims that Chevron improperly disposed of 4 billion gallons of waste in Louisiana. However, the so-called “toxic” waste mainly consists of saline water—by-product from oil extraction—which has been legally managed in the state for years.
These legal challenges aren’t just contentious in nature; they also threaten economic stability. The oil and gas sector provides roughly $77.7 billion to Louisiana’s economy annually, supporting about 15% of state jobs and contributing significantly to the budget that funds education and public safety.
Ironically, just months after Chevron left California’s stringent climate policies, it now faces litigation in a “red” state like Louisiana. The support for this lawsuit includes collaboration from local politicians and trial lawyers, endangering potential investments in the energy sector. Many producers are understandably hesitant to fund projects that might become targets for what they perceive as baseless lawsuits.
If these lawsuits proceed successfully, the real losers could be the coastal communities that genuinely require science-backed solutions, not the opportunistic trial lawyers. The recent withdrawal of a significant coastal restoration initiative reinforces the idea that these legal actions may prioritize financial payouts over genuine environmental restoration.
For Louisiana Republicans, aligning with this climate crusade may lead them to resemble their counterparts in more liberal regions. A more effective approach would involve confronting historical, natural, and engineering realities rather than casting blame on the industry that has long been foundational to the state’s economy. Prioritizing common sense and real science in policies could make a significant difference.
