SACRAMENTO — Twelve years ago, Democrats won an astonishing two-thirds supermajority in the state Legislature, giving them the strength to pass any bill in California without needing a single Republican vote.

But even as they celebrated the first feat of its kind in nearly 80 years, the leaders kept their newfound strength in mind.

“The fear is that if it’s that easy to get a majority, it’s easy to get complacent and not be able to pass on thoughtful legislation,” said Assembly Speaker John Perez at the time. “Sometimes the people you love had stupid ideas that had nothing to do with the law.”

Democrats currently hold 93 of the 120 seats in the California State Assembly, casually referred to as a “supermajority,” and the party’s strong performance in California has helped offset the downsides of extreme one-party control. It’s exposed.

With less than a week to go until the election, fears of losing seats have been replaced by whispers among Democrats that it’s time to soften their advantage.

When lawmakers no longer need to come together, they find themselves even more divided.

“I don’t think this is good for our democracy as a whole, and ultimately I don’t think it’s good for the Democratic caucus,” said state Sen. Bill Dodd (D-Napa), whose term ends this year. There are many Democrats in Congress.

Ideological debates that once raged between Democrats and Republicans over education, housing, the environment, workers and dozens of other issues have shifted within the parties, often pitting liberals against moderates.

Reaching consensus on the best path forward for California can be difficult at times, especially among the diverse group of 62 Democrats in Congress.

Infighting between the House of Representatives has also intensified, with tough negotiations over high-profile policies including storage requirements for oil refiners, a stalled crime voting plan and an early attempt to reduce the national budget deficit this year. Adds an element of confusion. . But for better or worse, there are enough Democrats to pass the bill through Congress with a simple majority vote, with little debate over its pros and cons.

Dodd said he doesn’t like “groupthink” because there are too many voices and not enough time to hear them all, without enough careful analysis and discussion.

“If everyone is thinking the same way, then no one is thinking the same way,” Dodd said, quoting U.S. Army Gen. George S. Patton.

Instead of policy dialogue between the two parties in public committee hearings and floor debates, the Democratic Party is engaged in closed-door caucus meetings and closed-door three-party negotiations between representatives of the governor, the Senate pro tempore, and Congress. Policy dialogues are increasingly taking place. Assembled speaker.

“I think this is a natural result of a supermajority,” said Jessica A. Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School. “It’s easy to do business in a place of silence and lack of transparency. The important thing to remember here is that we’re not doing business, we’re representing the public.”

Levinson was careful to point out that while that’s not necessarily nefarious, it’s not the best way to stress-test policy. Congress passed nearly 300 more bills in 2023 and 2024 than it did a decade ago, according to a tally by Chris Miceli, a law professor and lobbyist who closely tracks legislative action.

Jim DeVue, who worked for Mr. Perez as the Assembly Democratic Party director in 2012 and served as chief of staff to Gov. Gavin Newsom a decade later, said the supermajority allowed Democrats in the Legislature to “drastically change the agenda.” He said that it was now possible to “strengthen the system.”

“This makes a lot of sense for legislative leaders and their allies, but it puts a lot of pressure on the governor to balance what is best for California,” DeVu said.

A supermajority also has positive aspects for the governor. For Newsom, it often becomes easier to find support for his policies. The more Congressional Democrats argue, the less likely they are to work together against his proposals.

Newsom has clashed with Democrats again this year.

Lawmakers withdrew plans to put an initiative to crack down on retail theft and fentanyl dealers on the ballot to counter Proposition 36, the county district attorney’s tougher crime-fighting proposal.

The governor, Sen. Mike McGuire (D-Healdsburg) and House Speaker Robert Rivas (D-Hollister) announced the proposal in July, but it was forced to reverse course and be canceled the next day.

“There was quite a bit of discussion, but for a variety of reasons not everyone was in favor, not even a majority was in favor of it, and the governor withdrew it,” said Rep. Sharon Quirk Silva (D-Fullerton). spoke. “It wasn’t just moderate Democrats, it was progressives. So it actually allowed them to form a bloc with unlikely partners.”

Newsom is trying to reach an agreement between the House and Senate by the end of the session in August on a bill that would require refiners to store more gasoline to prevent supply shortages that could lead to higher prices at the pump. I tried.

The Senate agreed, but Rivas, who had warned that his caucus needed time to support the deal, ultimately brought the bill to a vote on the last day of the session, with both chambers at odds. I refused.

Mr. Newsom called a special session of Congress, and Democrats passed his proposal in October. Twenty Democrats in the House and eight Democrats in the Senate did not vote in favor of the bill.

Kevin de Leon, a Los Angeles City Council member and former state Senate majority leader, said that even with the increase in Democratic voters, “politics is still politics.”

“These dynamics challenge the perception of a supermajority to a harsh reality. Membership is at a historically high level, while at the same time making control even more difficult,” de Leon said.

State Sen. Josh Newman’s plight shows that even with a supermajority, Democrats are fragile.

The Fullerton Democrat defeated a Republican incumbent in 2016, helping give the party a supermajority.

Republicans, eager to thwart Democratic control of the Capitol, issued a recall on Mr. Newman two years after he voted in favor of raising gas taxes to pay for road repairs, a bill pushed by then-Governor Newman. He led the movement and achieved success. Jerry Brown.

Mr. Newman won his seat again in 2020, becoming a slightly more moderate candidate and becoming more cautious about supporting some liberal policies. As a result, he is now under attack from progressive labor unions in the 2024 election.

AFSCME 3299, which represents workers at the University of California, launched an unusual campaign ahead of this year’s primaries to support several Democratic senators in their races against incumbent senators. Newman had refused to support the union’s bill to put an amendment on the ballot in 2023 that would increase wages and rights for union members.

The union’s efforts were in vain, as Mr. Newman came in first place in the primary and Republican Stephen Choi came in second. In an even more unusual set of circumstances, the union continues to spend more than $1 million total on television ads and mailers attacking Newman in a close race against Republicans for the Orange County seat in the Nov. 5 election.

Labor typically supports progressive Democrats in elections. The supermajority allowed the union to single out Mr Newman as too moderate without jeopardizing the party’s grip on parliament.

Business also has allies. The California Chamber of Commerce and Industry and powerful business groups often support moderate candidates in Democratic-on-Democrat battles. This year alone, Democrats are contesting three seats in the Senate and eight seats in the House.

Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, said some candidates are trying to “wear blue” in the election because they know it will be difficult to win in the state as a Republican.

“The same corporations that are pushing anti-worker, anti-immigrant, anti-women MAGA policies at the federal level are exerting influence through corporate Democrats in state legislatures,” Orr said.

Democrats may be poised to add members in November.

In the Senate, Mr. McGuire is defending Mr. Newman of Orange County, who is seeking to oust the Republican from Joshua Tree and take a vacant seat in the Santa Clarita Valley. The Legislature is protecting at least two Democratic incumbents from serious Republican challenges in the Central Valley and Santa Clarita, and seeking to eliminate three Republican incumbents in Palm Springs, suburban Sacramento and Orange County. Rivas is also fighting to fill a vacant seat in San Diego with a Democrat.

Despite efforts to move up the rankings, a review of bills passed in 2023 and 2024 shows that Democrats are barely exercising their right to vote.

Democrats passed a bill without Republican support that would increase taxes on licensed firearms dealers and pesticide sales, increase taxes on managed care organizations, cap tax credits for businesses, and limit deficit and deficit deductions. The bill was passed with the support of two-thirds of the members. Some other policies. But most of the two-thirds bill was approved with support from Republican lawmakers.

The last time the California Legislature overrode a governor’s veto was in 1980.

Former House Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) said the motivation for increasing caucus size often boils down to a simple desire to win. Even if it causes a headache.

Election results are a reflection of the power of leaders.

“There’s an element of tribalism in the election anyway,” Rendon said. “It’s on a very basic level: my man and your man.”