House Republicans recently installed Secretary Mayorcas in the crosshair As a result of a coordinated impeachment effort. This coincides with the conclusion of a lengthy legal battle between Texas and the United States over a memo issued by Mr. Mayorcas in September 2021, giving ICE an “exercise of discretionary powers” ​​to carry out only top-priority takedowns. ordered. Mr Mayorcas’ new guidelines have made deportation of millions of illegal immigrants virtually impossible.

The Supreme Court ruled against Texas and Louisiana’s claim that the federal government was obligated to deport them under the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. Without judicial relief, House Republicans appear increasingly intent on laying the groundwork to impeach Mallorca. With headlines focused on the stage for House hearings and possible impeachment, it’s easy to overlook that the removal effort faces significant obstacles beyond the federal level. Since 2021, sanctuary reconstruction has been underway, a silent threat to federal removal and enforcement efforts.

By 2023, 300 reserves A country that has a clear policy of obstructing immigration enforcement. Once held back by Trump-era policies that linked millions of dollars in federal subsidies to cooperating with immigration enforcement, the reserve jurisdiction is once again flush with federal funding and gaining momentum. It shows no signs of slowing down.

A report co-authored by Jessica Vaughn and myself published by the Center for Migration Studies found roughly the following: $300 million awarded Protected from only three federal law enforcement-related grants in 2021: State Criminal Alien Assistance Program (SCAAP), Edward M. Byrne Judicial Assistance Grant (Berne-JAG), and Community Oriented Police Service (COPS) It will be donated to the district jurisdiction.

SCAAP is a program that, ironically, reimburses state and local prisons for a portion of the cost of incarcerating illegal immigrants. Additionally, Baan JAG and COPS provide significant federal funding for justice programs and policing, respectively. Funds allocated for law enforcement should not go to provinces that refuse to cooperate with federal enforcement efforts. This is especially true under a government that, by Majorcas’ own priorities, aims only to rid the population of a very small number of illegal immigrants, mostly violent criminals.

Of the $1.4 billion available for these three grants, a staggering 43% went to protected jurisdictions. In 2010 SCAAP just 16% of total To Sanctuary Jurisdiction. In 2021, SCAAP gave 58% of the total bounty to sanctuary jurisdictions, almost four times the share during the Obama administration. This growing quake threatens to shake the foundations of serious enforcement efforts for future administrations.

Our report represents a relatively small but significant portion of the funding that sanctuary cities, counties and states rely on. But if these jurisdictions accept funding without consequences, there will be little incentive to reconsider sanctuary policies under future administrations.

House Republicans should cap federal funding in future appropriations bills to encourage sanctuary jurisdictions to turn around in 2025, and possibly before a new administration takes office. In many of these jurisdictions, more than just discretionary powers, laws prevent major forms of cooperation with federal immigration authorities. If the new administration is concerned about enforcing more than the bare minimum immigration priorities, thwarting efforts to remove these laws could delay implementation by months or years.

Even if the 2024 election turns out to be disappointing for Republicans, the steps taken now are still a significant step toward changing the way immigration is viewed. What’s more, any hype by House Democrats will only draw attention to important issues that have been out of the national spotlight in recent years.

House Republicans seem to have only recently realized the power of this purse, but the lack of real concreteness on immigration could give them the victory they need on this issue.

Carry out a pincer movement against immigrants, attacking both Mallorcas and rebel areas. Let’s take a step towards effective enforcement as we bring this issue to the national stage.

Nathan Desouters is an intern at the Center for Migration Studies.

The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of The Daily Caller.